Tunisia, the birthplace of Arab Spring revolutions, is in once again in the grip of demonstrations, which are testing the nascent democracy sternly.
Five years after the Tunisian youth ousted a dictatorial regime and earned unprecedented political freedoms for their North African nation, the latest protests sweeping underdeveloped parts challenge both Tunis and the world.
For Tunis it is a moment of truth in preserving the democratic trajectory by delivering on economic development. For the world – beset with economic stagnation and geopolitical uncertainties – supporting Tunisian democracy as antidote to militancy is an inescapable peace imperative.
Magnifying the Tunisian challenge are some stiff problems that refuse to go away like spillover of unrest from neighboring Libya, around 3000 Tunisian youth’s joining the ISIS or Daesh in Syria and terrorist bombings.
But at the core of Tunisian situation lies the eluding promise of economic hope that created a huge stir and hype among the youth. Consequently, the people are questioning the efficacy of the democratic governance. Last week, Tunis clamped a nighttime curfew to offset outbreak of widespread violence.
Since graduate cart vendor Mohamed Bouzazi’s self-immolation on December 17, 2010, Tunisia has emerged as the oasis in the bloodstained Middle Eastern and North African deserts of chaos. The same lack of economic opportunity and dignity that forced Bouzazi to desperation has forced the jobless people to take their case to the streets again.
While Syria, Iraq, Egypt, Yemen and Libya have seen their democratic aspirations crushed or lost in turmoil and violence of civil wars, Tunisian civil society voices entered into a contract of democratic compromises and reforms in the interest of smooth democratic transition, and continuity.
Last year’s Nobel Peace Prize acknowledged the role a quartet of Tunisian lawyers, human rights activists, unionists and employers in preventing their country’s successful Jasmine Revolution from ebbing into violence and turmoil. With a new constitution, the completion of the Ennahda Movement (Renaissance Party) government, and the pluralist and broad-based complexion of the government is seen as a model for the countries like Syria that collapsed due to a lack of representation of ethnic groups.
An analysis of the country’s challenges reveals that several factors including eroding international investment in the face of terrorist bombings, overall regional climate and the government’s slow pace of reforms vis-à-vis some inherited obstacles are to blame for the Tunisian failure to match its political progress with economic opportunity.
The World Bank in a report recently noted that Tunisia presents an economic paradox. “It has everything it needs to become a “Tiger of the Mediterranean”, yet this economic potential never seems to materialize.” Although some fiscal reforms have been set in motion, overall the country is still to make the economic system work for the masses.
The current wave of unrest stems from some lingering economic inequalities and the fact that the unemployment rate has worsened from 12 percent in 2010 to a staggering 15 percent. Additionally, there is a lingering grievance of inequality and economic marginalization as some areas of the country – particularly those considered as tourist attractions – get much greater allocations and attention than the remote interiors. So much so that according to the Bank, the largest coastal cities of Tunis, Sfax and Sousse account for a whopping 85% of its GDP and most of its industries and services – a recipe for perfect storm, and perhaps a threat to the democratic system, which has long served the elite, as under the dictator Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali, who was toppled as a result of the late 2010 revolution.
The jobless youth launched the fresh protests after the death of Ridha Yahyoui, a disillusioned unemployed young man, who got electrocuted in the impoverished town of Kasserine as he vented his frustration.
A lot of disaffected youth blame President Beji Caid Essebsi, a senior politician, whose party Nidaa Tounis won the 2014 election, since he is seen as inheritor of Ben Ali’s policies, having served under him.
Yet, many analysts also agree, that the current turmoil is more an issue of socio-economic deprivation or powerlessness than just a political commitment issue – a clear reminder that a functioning democracy is always a work in progress and that democracy is also imperfect. It also reminds that until Tunis fulfills the imperative of economic empowerment of people, the Tunisian revolution will remain unfinished. On the conceptual as well as realistic levels it also means that a viable democracy predicates or rather springs from broad-based economic participation of people that, in turn, brings into play a healthy competition of business entrepreneurship and creativity in arts and social sciences – traits that constantly replenish the soul of democracy.
But given the current state of Tunisian economy, the country alone cannot meet the gigantic task of putting behind years of ineffective governance and bringing jobs to hundreds of thousands of young educated people.
French President Francois Hollande’s pledge to extend one billion euros to Tunisia over the next five years is a welcome step. The U.S. has provided more than half a billion dollars in assistance to Tunisia since the revolution and is working to provide additional support but also faces obstacles due to polarized politics of Washington. But, according to the World Bank, Tunisia needs large sums of investment for years to come in order to realize job opportunities for its youth. Nevertheless, the way to stability must also involve implementation of reforms that curb corruption and bring transparency in fiscal governance.
The Arab world, which has showered billions of dollars on repressive Egyptian regime, needs to demonstrate its support for Tunisia as well. Similarly, other European countries can help with investment. Amid unprecedented refugees crises, fears of militancy from unraveling states – which are ramifications of multiple Middle Eastern conflicts, the world owes consistent support to Tunisian democracy.
Should Tunis fail, the entire world, particularly Western capitals and supporters of democracy, will lose a genuine opportunity to showcase to peaceful citizens and parochial forces alike that democracy, however flawed, is a viable way out of the current troubles.
On the other hand, if Tunisia succeeds, the world capitals will have profoundly strengthened their narrative to offset militant appeal – something which both the Western powers and the Muslim countries have not been able to construct and advocate vibrantly in the post-9/11 era.
